Fudge also has the backing of a powerful ally: Democratic majority whip Jim Clyburn, who has spoken to the Biden landing team about the post on her behalf.
Fudge going on the record last week about her intentions was seen as a bold move by Washington insiders. The congresswoman herself was not shy about touting her qualifications.
“I don’t know that there are very many people, whether they be in the house or the Senate that actually have the breadth of experience in ag that I have,” Fudge told POLITICO in an exclusive interview.
She said she had not talked to the transition apparatus directly about the job. “That’s their work. And I want to leave their work to them,” she said.
Yet Fudge faces one tricky roadblock that Heitkamp does not: Hill Democrats will have fewer chances to be tapped by the Biden administration given the election outcome that narrowed their margin in the House. While Fudge’s seat, located in and around Cleveland, is likely to be filled by another Democrat, the amount of time that it’s open would give Democrats one less number in tight votes. Heitkamp was defeated in 2018.
As a former senator from North Dakota, Heitkamp went to bat for the popular crops in her state, namely, soybeans, sugarbeets, wheat and corn. And while out of office, Heitkamp has focused her messaging on how the Trump administration’s trade wars have hurt those sectors.
But Heitkamp’s support for several Trump cabinet members while she was in the Senate is a major point of concern for her critics.
“Heitkamp’s got two years of bashing Trump’s trade policies yet she voted for [Robert] Lighthizer, who’s the architect of Trump’s trade policies,” said Matt Barron, a Democratic consultant who specializes in rural politics. “It’s like hypocrite Heidi.”
Heitkamp was also one of three Democrats to vote for EPA Administrator Andrew Wheeler’s Senate confirmation, and sided with Republicans to confirm former EPA Administrator Scott Pruitt.
While Heitkamp was fighting to keep her Senate seat — which she ultimately lost to Sen. Kevin Cramer — she touted that she voted with Trump more than half the time.
Environmentalists also flag Heitkamp’s support for the Keystone XL pipeline as a red flag, deepening their worries that she would favor corporations at the expense of USDA’s conservation efforts.
One of the clearest arguments they make against Heitkamp is that she was once in contention for a spot in Trump’s Cabinet.
“She’s so far right she was on Trump’s list,” said Navina Khanna, co-founder and director of the HEAL Food Alliance, a multi-sector and multi-racial coalition that includes a long list of nonprofits, including Food Chain Workers Alliance and the Union for Concerned Scientists.
As food and agriculture lobbyists watch the horse race for USDA secretary with great interest, there’s a new sense that perhaps the post is not quite as low-profile as it has been.
“Anybody watching this space should be thrilled that there is such stiff competition to fill the secretary job,” said Eric Kessler, founder of philanthropic consulting firm Arabella Advisors, who is credited with recruiting Vilsack to serve in the Obama Cabinet more than a decade ago.
Kessler, for his part, praises the former Iowa governor for raising the visibility of the department because he helped show “how the department touches every American’s life every day, from farm to fork.”